National • 24 November 2025

Bobi Wine Is a Better Replacement for Museveni - Ssemujju

For more than two decades, Kira Municipality MP Ibrahim Ssemujju Nganda has challenged presidential power, and in this wide-ranging conversation he warns that Uganda is approaching a dangerous crossroads where institutions are collapsing, dissent is criminalised, and the ruling family is positioning itself for a dynastic succession.

He argues that the struggle for change is no longer about individual opposition figures but about restoring constitutional order, confronting manufactured political support, and preventing a transition driven by military force rather than democratic legitimacy.

Speaking in the interview, Ssemujju says Uganda must urgently agree on a managed transition to prevent chaos, warning that if the country fails to handle succession responsibly, new leaders could emerge unpredictably and Uganda could slide into the same turmoil that engulfed Sudan, Libya, and parts of Egypt.

Excerpts;-

You built your career holding power to account as a journalist. When did you realise that joining Parliament meant becoming part of the same power structure you used to challenge?

Human beings are shaped by their environment. I was deployed to cover Parliament as a journalist very early in my career, and I became immersed in political life. I interacted closely with politicians, observed how laws were made, and often saw things that angered me especially when processes were abused.

I remember when the Constitution was amended around political parties and the referendum. Laws were passed hurriedly, sometimes without MPs reading them. Constitutional amendments were rushed through in less than an hour. As a journalist, documenting these actions frustrated me deeply.

Over time, living in that environment influenced me. I consumed the arguments of the day, saw the manipulation of laws, and eventually got involved. I never planned to become a politician, but the work I did especially researching term limits and governance pulled me in.

When did you realise you had become part of the same system you used to criticise? How do you reconcile that?

This is one of the most misleading arguments in our public debate. The 1995 Constitution imposed term limits on the President because of the enormous power vested in that office. But it never limited MPs. In many democracies, MPs serve for decades. John McCain and Joe Biden are examples from the US. There is nothing undemocratic about long service in Parliament.

The real issue in Uganda is presidential longevity. President Museveni removed term limits by bribing MPs with money and has since amended the Constitution whenever it suits him. Comparing my years in Parliament to a President who has ruled for 40 years is completely misguided.

My staying in Parliament does not amount to capturing power. MPs have very limited authority. The President can shut down the country from his living room, as he did during COVID-19. MPs cannot do that.

You are seeking re-election as MP for Kira Municipality. Many people believe the constituency can stand without you. How do you justify seeking another term?

We make a mistake when we reduce Members of Parliament to mere constituency councillors. I am a representative in the National Assembly. I speak and work for Uganda. When I am in Parliament, I debate national issues budgeting, public debt, revenue, expenditure not who got a small road repaired. Unfortunately, the public has been conditioned to think an MP must only talk about their constituency. That is how the role has been diminished.

Yet voters believe you represent their views. That is why they elected you in 2016 and again in 2021.

I still represent them, but at a national level. Just as a national footballer may come from a club but plays for the country, I debate for Uganda. That is my mandate. Very few MPs bother with how the country generates or spends money. I do.

What has changed during the years you have been signing off on budgets, especially regarding allocations such as those to State House?

This is continuous work. You come to your job every day to earn and contribute. The struggle to hold government accountable is ongoing. My duty is to follow the money and inform citizens how it is used or misused. I don't arrest people. I don't implement. But I do oversight. That is why Parliament exists.

People argue that five years is enough to demonstrate impact. Why should they give you another term?

Because I have performed. And they have judged me positively in the past. Voters will decide again. I can only do my work. The rest is up to them. That argument applies to the presidency, not Parliament. In Kenya and Tanzania, MPs serve for many years. What changes is the presidency, not the Legislature.

For me, Parliament is a platform to fight for freedom and accountability. I did not join politics to enjoy the perks of office. I joined because I was angry about the abuse of power. You cannot tell someone fighting for democracy to retire at 52 while a President who has ruled for 40 years continues to entrench his family in power. Mandela spent 27 years in prison should he have retired immediately after his release?

Some say you have become too comfortable. At times, you even disagree publicly with the Leader of the Opposition. Boycotts have happened without your support.

I am Shadow Minister for Finance. I work within a team. Yes, I may disagree privately, but once a collective decision is taken whether to walk out or stay I abide by it. That's how democracy and teamwork operate. You register your dissent, but you don't undermine your group.

Do you expect to be judged as an individual or as part of the Shadow Cabinet?

Both. Sometimes individually, sometimes collectively. In the case of the UPDF Bill walkout, our leader signalled that we should leave. Whether I personally agreed or not, I moved with the team.

You have long been known as a defiant politician. People expected you to resist some of these collective decisions.

Defiance doesn't mean chaos. Yes, I take independent positions, when necessary, but you cannot fight your colleagues every day. Even in established democracies, MPs occasionally rebel, but it cannot be the daily method of work.

Let's talk about the 2026 race. You face a contender from the National Unity Platform credible, visible, and experienced in human-rights activism. Is this your toughest election?

Every election is tough. My first election was tough; the second was tough; the last one was tougher. In 2021, despite the NUP wave, I won with 45,000 votes. Elections are competitions. You prepare and face them.

Has the NUP wave reflected a shift in voter sentiment?

Every election in Uganda is essentially a referendum on President Museveni. People choose the candidate who they believe gives them the best chance of removing him. That is why Besigye's support in 2016 and Bobi Wine's support in 2021 were similar - they tapped into the same national desire for change.

You are often accused of riding on Dr Kizza Besigye's popularity. Has his incarceration affected your political strength?

It is unfair to claim I ride on anyone. Dr Besigye led a platform we built together, and we all benefited from it. But I win elections because I mobilise, organise, and present my credentials to voters. Besigye is a major figure nationally and continentally we miss him greatly. His absence creates a vacuum beyond the party. But the struggle continues. Even in 2021 he did not participate in campaigns, and we still won seats.

For the first time, you are running without his mobilisation and physical presence. Does that weaken you?

Of course we miss him. But institutions must be strong enough to continue even when a leader is absent. In the last election, he openly stated he no longer believed in electoral processes. We had to organise without him then, just as we are doing now. His absence affects all of us, not just me.

Has his detention created space for new political personalities to emerge?

Leadership vacuums always open doors. But remember there are things Dr Besigye can do that many of us cannot. He made sacrifices his career, his safety, even his family life. Some of us make contributions, not sacrifices. That does not make us cowards; it makes us different. But yes, his absence leaves a gap.

If you lost this election, what would be your biggest lesson?

Politics always teaches lessons whether you win or lose. Campaigning gives you the closest interaction with citizens. But what worries me more is not losing; it's the direction the country has taken. The militarisation, the disregard of court orders, abductions these are signs of a dictatorship deepening. The fight for a better Uganda is not my responsibility alone. Everyone, including journalists, must contribute.

Do you honestly believe Kira Municipality has improved under your leadership?

That question reflects a common misunderstanding. MPs do not build roads, schools, or health centres. That responsibility lies with the municipal council and the mayor. My mandate, as stated in the Constitution, is legislation, appropriation, oversight, and representation at the national level.

I work for the entire country, not just Kira Municipality. If you see an MP implementing projects directly, then something is wrong.

Yet during your campaigns, you talk about improving Kira Municipality. Why not campaign solely on national issues?

Watch my campaign videos, I have never promised to build roads, schools, or health facilities. I do not lie to voters. I tell them that my work is national. When I visit communities, it is often because I have been fighting against evictions or addressing injustices. People including schoolchildren show me appreciation. But I do not promise what is not my mandate.

Some people accuse you of doing the very things you criticise such as dancing with schoolchildren during campaigns. What do you say to that?

Children are children. If they sing a song to thank you for helping them or their community, how do you stand there like a statue? Before campaigns, I rarely visited schools unless necessary. During campaigns, candidates inevitably meet many groups, including students.

But this does not mean I am seeking votes from children. I have consistently told voters to elect leaders based on competence, not on how many funerals they attend or how social they are. Social conduct is good, but it should not be the basis for electing MPs.

Haven't you seen videos of schoolchildren being ordered to attend rallies?

I received a letter from Kabale civil servants [who] were instructed to attend. This is the tragedy of African politics: support can be manufactured for propaganda value. Look at Tanzania under [John Pombe] Magufuli. In one election, he polled around 6 million votes while the opposition had 4 million.

Now suddenly, we hear that there is "no opposition" in Tanzania and that President Samia wins with 98%. So yes, crowds can be made to appear larger than they truly are. That is why I insist that President Museveni's rallies must be examined critically. Many of the crowds are transported, paid, or coerced including schoolchildren.

So, you are saying crowds at President Museveni's rallies consist of hired, transported, and paid people including schoolchildren in every district?

It's not only schoolchildren. As I said, I have letters showing civil servants being instructed to attend. I'll share the Kabale letter with you.

Do you honestly believe there has been a time when President Museveni lost an election?

Yes. In 2006, I believe he lost. In 2016, he lost. And in the last election, I believe he lost. At least three times, in my honest judgment.

You heard Gen. Tumukunde speak about what they did. You have read the court judgments. Justice Kanyeihamba openly stated that Museveni influenced and tampered with elections. These things are documented.

Cheating an election and losing an election are two different things. You know that as a Member of Parliament.

Museveni has lost elections at least three times. But each time, he announces himself the winner and the institutions validate it. That's the problem.

What do you think will be the turning point for Uganda?

It's difficult to predict. But the direction we are taking is dangerous. The President's son now operates above institutions. Parliament is sidelined. People are detained in basements, tortured, humiliated.

When a government behaves like this, it creates the conditions for a public uprising. At the start, some of us hoped to mobilise citizens to peacefully protest as provided under Article 3 of the Constitution. Government managed to suppress some of these efforts, but every day they continue to invite a confrontation with the population.

You once called for people to go to the streets.

Yes. We openly said: when we call for action, citizens should come out and demand change. Not to seize power for ourselves, but because the Constitution mandates citizens to resist unconstitutional rule.

We may not have succeeded yet, but that does not mean we will not succeed. Change may come with or without our direct contribution.

Have you ever told the President that his time is up?

Yes. I have told him that the greatest gift he can give Uganda is to preside over a peaceful transfer of power. But he doesn't listen. He believes the country is now a family dynasty. His son has repeatedly said that the next President will be a military man from the Museveni family - himself.

These things will end, but I worry about the consequences. Look at Sudan, Egypt, Libya--once prosperous, now unstable because leaders refused peaceful transition. Elder statesmen must continue advising him: Uganda needs a peaceful transfer of power.

Do you think those who are agitating for change are the right replacements for President Museveni?

Whether they are the "right" replacements is not the point. When conditions change, new leaders emerge. Ideally, the country should agree on a transitional government who leads it, what roles they play.

If we don't manage that process, anyone can rise. Look at Egypt: who predicted Sisi? In Sudan, who predicted the Burhan-Hemedti split? This is why I urge Museveni and others not to tempt the country into chaos. If we uphold the Constitution, the right leaders will emerge. If we don't, we may wake up shocked by who becomes President.

Why haven't you offered yourself for the presidency?

There is only one presidential seat. If everyone stands, we will have a booklet of candidates like Nigeria once did. For me, it's not about position. Even without any office, I will continue contributing just as I joined the media earlier in life. I am fighting for the country, my children, and the future. I have the qualifications to contest for President, but multiplying candidates only weakens the struggle.

But you are a leader in the PFF, a leading opposition figure. Why not step forward?

We have discussed unity even with other groups. You saw Dr Besigye at the opening of their offices as a guest of honour. We seek cooperation with all forces--the clergy, media, civil society. If we start fighting for positions now, we will distract the population from the bigger struggle, as is happening in these elections. Museveni wants the opposition to fight each other while he stays in power.

Do you believe Robert Kyagulanyi (Bobi Wine) is a better replacement for President Museveni?

Yes, in many respects. We are in a war for liberation, and he is currently leading that struggle effectively. After removing this regime, the country can build institutions that compensate for any gaps. Museveni is very intelligent, but he is ill-hearted. A leader with a good heart, even if less skilled, can build a better country because they allow institutions to grow